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It did not have the capacity to deal with the complex diversity of the emerging civil society in Bulgaria. In many cases, the very same application was rejected by one team and accepted by another. In general most troubles of the various applicants were restricted to habitual red-tape hassle.
This was, however, not the case with several Macedonian organizations. VMRO, though not registered as a political party, became such, after skipping the useless appendages of the "Union of Macedonian. While attempts, including those from the former secret services, to provoke nationalistic parties, especially on the basis of strong and wide spread anti-Turkish feelings, were in vain, here came VMRO to virtually satisfy the whole demand for such type of party. Young VMRO-members, carrying traditional red and black banners and inflamed torches, were the most typical part of every patriotic rally and were the most militant participation in the anti-Communist unrest of the winter of Representatives of VMRO, elected as municipal authorities and Mayors, became known for implementing restrictive measures for young people going as far as limiting youngsters to walk out of home.
VMRO leaders took an extremely militant position against the so-called "sects" which means everything which is not part of the Bulgarian Orthodox Christianity , and undertook violent measures beating, torture against preachers of the Mormons and Jehovah Witnesses. Tactics such as these, confronts VMRO with the clearly European choice of the ruling coalition and might soon led to a dismissing of them as a coalition partner .
Thus, only Thus, if we put aside the explanation that VMRO is "an organization, which contributes to the democracy", positive attitudes toward VMRO are bounded with the perception that it is a patriotic and nationalistic organization. While in a more negative context, the image of the VMRO is that of a more coercive, extremist, fascist, or simply "suspicious" organization an image, imposed by the communist propaganda , and demanded it to be banned without any motivation.
Most of VMRO-opponents are 60 years or older, i.
In addition, we see a small share of respondents who consider it to be a "Macedonian" organization, while it is not clear what this means - and organization of the Bulgarians from Macedonia or an organization of the Macedonians. Interestingly enough, attitudes toward VMRO are distributed accordingly to the various regions of Bulgaria.
In the city of Sofia, Southwestern Bulgaria i. The remaining groups of 5 regions seem to be "neutral". It can be deduced that regions with positive attitudes are more urbanized and have a higher number of educated inhabitants, while negative attitudes predominate where compact masses of Turk and, in general, Moslem, population resides. An exception is Montana, where none of these features are present, but this region leans towards the left, communist type of parties as a voting pattern.
Results from this survey indicate, that VMRO is far from what they claimed to be — an "all-Bulgarian and nation-wide", and would have a hard time receiving significant support at elections outside any large coalition. If nationally the image of the VMRO is lax and contentious, it is namely there where people can not forget the legacy this organization, its attempts to revive, and their rigid stance about the Bulgarian character of the local population .
The last local elections October were marked, too, with the attempt of the VMRO to play outside the ruling coalition with the Union and Democratic Forces bringing a relative amount of success — election of members of the municipality councils.
The Party claims a membership of 30, and local organizations all over the country. Unsatisfied by their parliamentary representation, two MPs within the Reunited Democratic Forces faction , VMRO plans to participate alone in the next parliamentary elections, but this will be a very risky undertaking: latest polls give it only 0. Unfolding, with generations, of a sort of double and even triple loyalties among population in border areas — especially when borders relatively often change places — is a rare occurrence similar examples could be found especially on the wrecks of larger, "empire-type" states, among peoples, which has been divided in more states.
The several "editions" of often mutually repelling organizations of OMO "Ilinden" were all harassed with unmatched zeal: courts denied their registration, police raided their offices, confiscating publications and copy ma-chines. Formally, indeed, courts had the reason to ban these organizations, which stated in their statutes such goals as withdrawal of the "occupationist" Bulgarian troops from Pirin Macedonia, transfer of the churches in the region under the control of the Macedonian Orthodox Church which was still held an unrecognized status according to the Orthodox rite , and so on.
In the party's statute any mention of Macedonian minority, nothing to say for secessionist or anti—Bulgarian aspirations were carefully avoided. Nevertheless, more than 60 members of the parliament, representatives of all political factions there — a rare occasion for such unanimity filled a claim to the Constitutional Court to ban OMO "Ilinden" PIRIN. It took more than a year for the Court to prepare the case, which permitted the party to take part in the October local elections.
As already it was noted, in the case of Macedonians in Bulgaria one thing seems especially startling: the great difference between the official data by Bulgarian, Macedonian and, in many cases, international statistics: from the negligible about 0. The Bulgarian posture may justify total absence of research efforts in the field — why spend scarce money on such a petty issue!
However, on the other hand, such a disputable problem might be expected to be of interest for the independent, released from an ideological control scholars and intellectuals from the both neighbor countries, something which certainly would contribute for increasing of the mutual confidence and better relations between Bulgaria and Macedonia. Nothing of this sort could be seen, as if a sacrosanct taboo was imposed over the issue.
Boneva, S. Nikolov and Victor Roudometof. C'rnusanov, Kosta Sofia: St.
Introduction. Reconnecting the Twentieth-century Histories of Southeastern Europe
Okridski University Piblishing House. Londres, A. The Terrorism on the Balkans.
Skopje, Kultura. Mahon, Milena The Macedonian Question in Bulgaria. Vlahov, D. Skopje, Nova Makedonija Publ. Police and party activists has been instructed that all local people with the exception of the Moslems have to be identified as Macedonians, which led to curiosities as recording Russian emmigres as Macedonians. Reports to Party headquarters in Sofia admit also that while CP members massively filled forms as instructed — as Macedonians — non-communists persist in identifying themselves as Bulgarians.
Same policy has been administered toward refugees from Greece Aegean Macedonia , who escaped from the civil war there and came to Bulgaria — border guards and police has been instructed to load them on trucks and to transport to the Yugoslav republic of Macedonia no matter which their own wish has been. In comparison, similar organizations of residing in Bulgaria Jews, Armenians, and some other, faced much less troubles. Kevorkyan contacted the notorious, considered to be far ago died, leader of the VMRO Ivan "Vanche" Mihailov, and made a long interview with him; this interview paved the way for representing to the seemingly unprepared Bulgarian public of such personalities as Tsar Simeon II and members of the Royal family as well as other emigres, which official propaganda years after years was blaming as "enemies of the people".
When Bulgarian national soccer team played a friendly match with Macedonia, VMRO organized a massive intrusion of "fans", incl. MPs and students, who rallied through Skopje with Bulgarian flags and singing patriotic songs, but neither the local population revealed any intention to meet them as liberators, nor the local police attempted to prevent such a demonstration. Cervenkovski government, openly expressing its expectations that after the elections its name-sake in Skopje, VMRO-DPMNE, will in overnight reject every kind of hesitations and prejudices toward Bulgaria, including possible move toward reunification sic!
It seems worth to be said that in its most recent publication of the yearly Almanac, the CIA dropped out without any explanation mentioning of a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria, adding the previously quoted number to that of the prevailing Bulgarian Population.
The Bulgarian economy in the twentieth century ( edition) | Open Library
See for more details Boneva, Nikolov, Roudometof, New Balkan Politics. Open call for papers see publishing policy. A delegate at that particular session, Evtim Georgiev, insolently said in his speech, " We adopted the task to introduce Macedonian consciousness among the population" C'rnusanov, An organization, which contributes to the democracy 33 2.
It has to be closed, I do not approve it 22 3.